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[[File:MexicaliBraceros,1954.jpg|thumbnail|left|300px|Mexican workers in Mexicali waiting for legal work in the US]]
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Immigration has been a political, social, and economic hot -button issue in almost every decade since the U.S. became it’s its own country. Whether they are Italian, Irish, Asian, or Middle Eastern, immigrants have made the United States their home and have introduced new and influential cultures to the country. Unfortunately for migrants, there are usually enormous issues facing them from their initial decision to migrate to the U.S. and even years after they arrive. Within the past century, Mexican migrants have seen some of the worst treatment and political hostility when it comes to migrant worker and immigrant history. Although there is no comparison to other groups of individuals immigrating to the U.S., Mexican migrant workers have an interesting history because of the U.S. – Mexico border and the political and economic policies and programs that Mexico and the U.S. have created within the last century. One program in particular is the focus of this article, the Bracero Program. It’s significance to the current issues surrounding immigration are paramount and will continue to provide an example of the violent and discriminatory cycle that Mexican citizens go through as migrant laborers in the U.S.
====Problems In Mexico Pre-Bracero Program====There was a slew of factors that lead to the creation of this program, but the bracero program would not have never been either viable or necessary if Mexico citizens could have made a living in Mexico. The key factors are: First, the Mexican Revolution. Second, the leadership of Profirio Diaz who opened up Mexico’s economy to the United States. Third, other countries began building railroads to the United States creating the passageways for future migrants to travel. Fourth, the Mexican government and companies based in the U.S. bought land in Mexico. Eventually, most of the land owned by farmers and working poor were swallowed up by these companies. Without this land, Mexican citizens who used to farm had no other means to provide for their families. Finally, new ‘’maquiladoras’’ or factories (mainly cotton factories) being built in Mexico, many Mexicans would flood to those and begin to migrate towards the railroads and factories internally.<ref> Deborah Cohen, ‘’Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Postwar United States and Mexico’’, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 35-37.</ref> In 1910, many of the workers employed by the cotton ‘’maquiladoras’’ and Communist Party members joined the ranks of Pancho Villa as the Mexican Revolution began. These workers continued to fight for workers rights and better wages within the ‘’maquiladoras’’ over the next three decades. Their efforts were hampered because they didn't own any land and Mexico's economic growth was lackluster after Diaz’s reign ended. Even though the Mexican working poor had helped the government come to power, they had no real choice but to head to the U.S. to improve their financial conditions. <ref>Deborah Cohen, ‘’Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Postwar United States and Mexico’’, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 37.</ref> ====The Creation of the Program====
[[File:BraceroProgram.jpg|thumbnail|250px|left|Braceros arriving in Los Angeles in 1942 (picture by Dorthea Lange)]]
The Bracero Program, officially named the Labor Importation Program, was created for straightforward economic reasons. In the 1930s, white Anglos farmers had decided began to move in migrate to the more urban and industrious industrial cities in order to gain more wealth than what they had been earning working their cropsfind jobs. With this huge shift As a big chunk of the United States population shifted from rural to urban industriesareas, the United States government had to make an important decision realized it needed to bring in a labor force that would be able from outside the country to sustain their large urban population and help pick the crops that would feed them.
After the Great Depression and the consequential ‘repatriation’ of thousands of Mexican and even U.S. born citizens that had migrated to the U.S. as political refugees from the Mexican Revolution, the . The U.S. would eventually decide decided to bring back some of the workers it had kicked out. Mexican migrants would be a scapegoat for many decades to come and each economic downturn in the U.S. would automatically create a ‘’Mexican problem’’, a cycle thrust in to existence by this first ‘repatriation’ during the Great Depression.
In 1942, the U.S. and Mexico struck a deal that would allow Mexican citizens to become temporary workers in the U.S. agricultural systems. This program was supposed to be completely under the supervision of the U.S. federal government and that all contracts would be overseen by them. Nevertheless, between 1947 and 1951, the federal government had given up their role as supervisor and allowed for workers and employers to create their own contracts, allowing for certain types of discriminatory practices, such as extremely low pay and shanti-like living quarters. After waiting sometimes weeks on end to enter the U.S. they were allowed in, stripped of their clothes and sprayed with DDT, a toxic chemical thought to rid Mexican migrants of diseases that they were presumed to be carrying in to the U.S. Following that, the men would then undergo a medical examination and only the men who seemed impoverished, poor, and only spoke Spanish were picked by the farmers.<ref>’’Harvest of Loneliness: The Bracero Program’’. Films On Demand. 2010. Accessed May 21, 2016. http://fod.infobase.com/PortalPlaylists.aspx?wID=103120&xtid=43712.</ref>
====Migrants and Scapegoats====
As the Korean War came to the surface in the 1950s, many U.S. citizens had once again felt that the ‘’illegal’’ migrants were getting out of control and were a threat to the U.S. economy in a volatile time. This time the ‘repatriation’ had a name, Operation Wetback. Under President Eisenhower, this operation would successfully deport over one million Mexican and U.S. citizens by 1954. <ref>Deborah Cohen, ‘’Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Postwar United States and Mexico’’, (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2011), 212-213.</ref> At this point, legislation had fallen through two years prior under President Truman, who tried to reinstate some kind of rights for the migrant workers. Unfortunately, the big agricultural companies and their lobbyists would thwart any efforts he had tried to make in order to come up with humane laws that the growers had to follow in order to keep migrant laborers safe and well-paid. <ref> Robert S. Robinson, “Taking The Fair Deal to the Fields: Truman's Commission on Migratory Labor, Public Law 78, and the Bracero Program, 1950–1952.” ‘’Agricultural History’’ 84, no. 3 (2010): 399. </ref>
In the U.S. the anti-Mexican sentiment would push migrant workers in the Southwest to organize for their rights with the help of organizations such as the United Farm Workers, the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America, and League of United Latin American Citizens. Such organizations were pivotal in creating the momentum for a larger Chicano Movement or ‘’El Movimiento’’ in the Southwest.
====Conclusion====
The Bracero Program is still a relatively unknown historical event. Needless to say, the program had major affects on both the Mexican economy and the U.S. agricultural business and immigration policies. Mexico would never truly recuperate from all of the migrants that were lost and the implementation of NAFTA only exacerbated the economic issues that it faced. Small farmers in Mexico would continuously have to compete with U.S. imported produce that was ironically being picked by Mexican migrant workers. Additionally, the U.S. would continuously rely on Mexican and Latin American migrant workers while calling for more border reinforcement. NAFTA would continuously allow products to flow through the border but would police the bodies that would cross. Finally, NAFTA would cause enormous job losses for U.S. citizens to new ‘’maquiladras’’ that would continue to flourish with the aid of the new trade agreement. <ref> Bill Ong Hing, ‘’Ethical Borders: NAFTA, Globalization, and Mexican Migration’’, (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010), 5.</ref> Essentially, the Bracero Program is important for U.S. and Mexican history because it is a part of a larger pattern that the U.S. constantly involves itself in and only when we acknowledge this pattern can we begin to change the way that migrant labor is handled in the future.
====References====
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[[Category:United States History]][[Category:Mexican History]][[Category:20th Century History]][[Category:Labor History]]